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Are We Ready for $2T in Infrastructure Investment?

April 9, 2021 / No Comments

Written by Danny Fuchs

A week before President Biden announced the American Jobs Plan, Mariana Mazzucato released Mission Economy: A moonshot guide to changing capitalism. The book builds on her previous work – and that of several other predominantly women economists – exploring the role of government in shaping market dynamics and economic development.
 
The American Jobs Plan represents a generational opportunity to demonstrate how government can once again do more than repair public assets and fix market failures. The Plan can re-enable government to be a market-maker, shaping industry investments to better serve the public and workers. Nowhere could this be more applicable than in the integration of tech into infrastructure and real estate markets.
 
The nation’s connectivity infrastructure – broadband, 5G, and beyond – will be a proving ground for this ambition.
 

A Moonshot
 
Mission Economy brings the concept of government as a powerful market-shaper to life through a rich, data-driven narrative of the massive, multi-generational, industry-shaping impacts of JFK’s vision of putting a man on the moon and returning him safely to earth by the end of the 1960s. It is not hard to draw a line from that vision to the United States’ tech dominance in the last half century.
 
The American Jobs Plan has the potential to be a similar moonshot.
 
It can do so not only by investing in 21st century infrastructure, but also by centering racial equity, inclusive economic opportunity, and community and worker participation – imperatives that were certainly not part of the original moonshot effort, led by a white male elite to success only a year after the Poor People’s Campaign – a juxtaposition that was present at the launch site and captured in verse by Gil Scott-Heron in “Whitey on the Moon.”
 
As with the first moonshot, the hard work will begin, not end, with the statement of vision.
 
The Fundamental Challenge of Investing $100+ Billion in Broadband
 
The American Jobs Plan takes aim at universal access and greater affordability in broadband. Those are the primary broadband challenges of the moment for tens of millions of Americans.
 
By far the greatest challenge to realizing those aims is the structure and capacity of government. You’ve heard of Departments of Transportation, Public Works Divisions, and Water and Sewer Authorities. Have you ever heard of a “Broadband Department?” Me neither.
 
Except for the rare jurisdictions with municipal broadband networks, the best most State, City, and County governments can muster is a “Broadband Office” – usually with its authority a function of the interest of the executive currently in office, rather than with a legislative charter. To be fair, some broadband “czars” have been quite effective. In some neighborhoods, nonprofit community-led networks have delivered outsize benefits for neighbors – particularly in Black, brown, and indigenous communities.
 
But in most places, public sector leaders emphasize collaboration among departments of economic development, information technology, public works, transportation, the executive’s office, and, too infrequently, housing agencies. In New York City, we helped guide a task force of 17 agencies whose assets have some meaningful role to play in shaping ubiquitous connectivity.
 
These kinds of interagency collaborations are notoriously difficult to manage – often reporting to multiple senior leaders and elected officials, and frequently unable to survive changes in leadership. Consequently, they create greater risk for private sector partners and contractors who are essential to delivering and managing connectivity infrastructure in most places. These managerial challenges are just a symptom of the massive gap in public institutional capacity to shape our broadband future.
 
Near-Term Solutions
 
State and local governments rarely spend any money on broadband infrastructure, let alone the $100 million or more to be distributed to each state through the already-enacted American Rescue Plan. The American Jobs Plan, with its $100 billion more, is not silent on the issue of local governance, but does not contain much in the way of guidance.
 
Following the Accessible, Affordable Internet for All Act (read our summary), the Plan would remove barriers to local authority – an essential step – and create a national Office of Internet Connectivity and Growth (OICG) to help track and streamline interagency efforts at the federal level. But this is nowhere near the White House-level position that this issue of economic growth and national security warrants, nor do these moves facilitate local capacity-building.
 
For instance, State and local governments are ill-equipped to decide on fair or effective allocations of the proposed $1.3 billion for digital equity-related investments, including for capacity building in community-based organizations.
 
An HR&A national survey asked more than 120 local governments and communities who should administer federal broadband spending; 70% are confident that economic development agencies can deliver best. I believe this is not only an affirmation of these agencies’ general competence and capacity, but also a recognition that universal broadband is foundational to economic development in the 21st century.
 
As with the space race, approaches taken now to deliver ubiquitous, affordable connectivity will shape markets for telehealth, education, remote work, the Internet of Things, and “smart cities” for generations to come. Taxpayers will either once again help enrich already big businesses, or they will create new opportunities for workers, nonprofit institutions, and small and medium-sized enterprises that may grow into the new powerhouses of the industry.
 
Where broadband offices have not yet been empowered or well-resourced, State and local economic development agencies are likely our best bet for the near-term.
 
Opportunities for the Biden-Harris Administration
 
What more could the administration do? There is no shortage of ideas. The National Urban League has offered a plan. New America has called for a Digital Futures Foundation. Next Century Cities recently elevated case studies from six cities in red states and blue. HR&A is working on new approaches in the affordable housing sphere with the Ford Foundation. Competitive grants could be structured a la Race to the Top funding that seeks local government reforms as prerequisites.
 
I have been discussing the need for a federally-sponsored technical assistance program with leaders in local government, community-based organizations, and philanthropy. This would be an easy win for the administration that could help expedite network deployments, facilitate community participation and knowledge sharing, maximize public benefits, and begin to build the longer-term institutional capacity at the local level that is essential to local resilience, economic development, and infrastructure governance.


* * *

The Internet got its start in the same year that man landed on the moon, when the first four research institutions were connected via ARPANET. The first two decades of the Internet were driven by government. The last thirty years have been driven by the private sector.
 
We need a new relationship between government and industry when it comes to broadband and the connectivity economy that builds on the successes of the past and recognizes the imperatives of the present.
 
We have a brief window to get it right.
 
 

Share your thoughts with the author here.
 
Read more about our work on the digital divide:
– Local Priorities for a National Broadband Stimulus
– The NYC Internet Master Plan
– Broadband from the Bottom Up: How Community Organizations Can Shape the Broadband Future
– Community-Centered Wireless Infrastructure Networks

Can ‘Tech for Good’ Help Gig Workers Get Relief?

April 9, 2021 / No Comments

The pandemic has been devastating for gig workers. The Workers Lab’s latest Design Sprint is testing how new technology can fix flaws in the unemployment insurance system and strengthen the safety net for gig workers.
 
Written by Kate Wittels, Bret Collazzi, Giacomo Bagarella and Amelia Taylor-Hochberg
 
Amid the unprecedented rise in unemployment since March 2020, no group has been hit as hard or for as long as gig workers – that broad and growing category that includes everyone from drivers to domestic workers to artists to farm workers. Also unprecedented was the government’s response, opening up unemployment insurance (UI) for the first time to these workers through the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance (PUA) program.
 
Yet the PUA rollout has not gone smoothly. State labor agencies, asked to administer benefits faster and to more people than ever before, have struggled to process claims quickly and to deliver benefits accurately, to the detriment of gig workers in need of immediate relief. As Adrian Haro, CEO of The Workers Lab, notes:
 

“Our unemployment insurance system was designed largely to serve workers in traditional nine to five jobs. The system has historically excluded people in non-traditional work such as ‘gig work,’ which remains largely in the hands of people of color … The result has been millions of gig workers waiting months without being able to provide for their families. Some have received far less than they deserved, and some have been outright denied because the system can’t make sense of what the workers are owed.”

 
The Workers Lab (TWL), a nonprofit whose mission is to give new ideas about increasing worker power a chance to succeed and flourish, recently launched a Design Sprint with tech partner Steady to develop a tool that will enable states to deliver more accurate benefits faster to gig workers, now and in the future. HR&A is proud to be supporting TWL as project manager and strategic advisor for the Sprint.
 
The main hiccup for PUA is how labor income is reported, because the benefit amount for which a worker is eligible depends on their prior income. For “traditional” W-2 employees, employers report income data directly to states, so labor agencies can easily verify income. For gig workers, states don’t have this source of data, so workers must submit the information themselves. For many, this means documenting payments and expenses from multiple sources every week as many gig workers can juggle multiple jobs in a given day. States then need to process these claims manually, straining limited staff resources. This has led to delays and mistakes in claim decisions and to vulnerability to fraud from organized criminal groups.
 
The tool developed by TWL and Steady allows gig workers to quickly generate a secure and accurate report of their income and expenses by linking directly to their accounts with gig platforms and financial institutions. Workers can then submit the report with their PUA application, making it easier for states to process, verify, and screen out fraud. TWL and Steady’s next step is to partner with a state to test the tool to, in Haro’s words, “demonstrate that government can innovate not only to make gig workers’ lives easier today, but also to make our unemployment insurance system more equitable, accessible, and inclusive of workers that have historically been excluded.”
 
The Design Sprint has already demonstrated the value of collaborating with workers to co-develop technology. Over several months, Steady and TWL tested prototypes of the tool with a group of app-based drivers affiliated with the Philadelphia Drivers Union. User workshops shed important light on how workers track and manage income, how different gig work platforms provide access to historical earnings data, how workers navigate the complexity of dealing with gig companies and State services, and what privacy and data integrity concerns need attention. This direct user feedback not only led to improved functionality but has also helped build trust among workers.
 
A lack of consistency across UI systems and gig platforms makes UI administration harder on workers and states. The federal government regulates State unemployment systems but states have significant discretion (and variation) in their application processes, the information they require, and even the amount of benefits they provide. This means that each state needed to create its own solutions to PUA demands and troubleshoot issues largely on its own. Meanwhile, each gig platform has a different set of rules about what type of income information is available to workers, with no system for the government to access or verify that data. This places a heavy burden on individual gig workers.
 
Lessons from this Design Sprint could improve safety net programs across the board. Many government benefits, from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program to housing assistance, require some form of income verification. Innovations and tech emerging from TWL and Steady’s work could build the basis for more seamless and automatic income verification across safety net programs while helping to inform broader discussions about how civic tech can keep up to help, rather than hinder, workers.
 
These are just a few insights so far. We look forward to learning – and reporting back – more as the Design Sprint advances.
 
To learn more about the Design Sprint and unemployment benefits for gig workers, Haro, Steady CEO Adam Roseman, and Monique Baptiste, Vice President of Global Philanthropy at JPMorgan Chase, will host a live briefing about their work on Tuesday, April 27, at 1pm ET/10am PT.

Infrastructure Week is Finally Here: What is in the American Jobs Plan for State and Local Governments?

April 9, 2021 / No Comments

Written by Erman Eruz
 
Overview
 
On March 31, President Biden introduced his administration’s long-awaited infrastructure plan, titled the American Jobs Plan. Totaling $2.25 trillion over eight years, the Plan calls for investments in roads, bridges, water systems, broadband, the electric grid, economic development of power communities, housing, schools and community colleges, R&D in clean energy technologies, manufacturing, and more. The Plan aims to be a “once-in-a-generation investment” that will help fulfill the President’s earlier commitments to put “the United States on an irreversible path to a net-zero economy by 2050.” Plan expenditures will constitute an annual approximately 1% of the GDP over the eight-year period.

The Plan is the first part of a two-part recovery effort. The second part is set to focus on childcare, healthcare, and education, and the president will announce its details later in April.
 
Is $2 Trillion Enough?
 
The American Society of Civil Engineers’ 2021 Failure to Act: Economic Impacts of Status Quo Investments Across Infrastructure Systems outlines projected infrastructure investment gaps between 2020-2029 across a variety of infrastructure types. The amounts allocated for these infrastructure types in the American Jobs Plan would cover a significant portion of these gaps, but would not address them in their entirety. It also provides funding for capital priorities not included in ASCE’s report.
 

Infrastructure Systems Funding Gap
(2020-29), $B)		 American Jobs Plan
(2021-28, $B)		 Difference, $B /
% of Gap Remaining
Surface Transportation $1,205 $579 ($626) / 52%
Water/Wastewater Infrastructure $1,089 $111 ($978) / 90%
Electricity $197 $100 ($97) / 49%
Airports $111 $25 ($89) / 77%
Inland Waterways & Marine Ports $25 $17 ($8) / 32%
Totals $2,456 $832 ($1,795) / 68%

Source: American Society of Civil Engineers & EBP, The White House
 
How Will Cities and States Benefit?
 
Over the next few months, there will be debates over the Plan’s size, contents, and funding. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg said that the President is hoping for “major progress from Congress before Memorial Day,” while Speaker Nancy Pelosi is hoping to get the Plan through the House by the Fourth of July. The details on how funds will flow to state and city governments will be clarified during the legislative process.
 
Generally, funds may be allocated through some combination of:

  • Direct allocation to state and local governments (similar to the direct state and local aid in the CARES Act and the American Rescue Plan);
  • Existing federal programs such as formula grants or block grants (with existing or new formulas or additional allocations to existing recipients);
  • Designation of a lead federal agency that will then set up competitive programs for states and/or local governments, or for the private sector with guidelines to operate in certain communities to fulfill certain criteria; and
  • New programs, guidance for which would need to be set up from scratch.

    •  

    Click below to jump to the investment categories most important to you:
     

  • Affordable Housing
  • Broadband
  • Clean Energy Transition
  • Innovation
  • Resilience
  • Talent Development
  • Transportation


    • The Affordable Housing Proposal
     
    The Plan proposes to spend $213 billion to produce, preserve, and retrofit more than 2 million affordable and sustainable units by:
     

  • Producing, preserving, and retrofitting more than 1 million units of affordable rental housing (equivalent to approximately 2% of today’s rental housing stock) by providing targeted tax credits, formula funding, grants, and project-based rental assistance.
  • Building or retrofitting 500,000 homes for low- and middle-income homeowners through the Neighborhood Homes Investment Act (NHIA), which provides $20 billion worth of tax credits over the next five years, in an effort to build wealth in underserved communities.
  • Investing $40 billion for public housing, to address capital investment and energy efficiency needs across the country.
  • Establishing a new competitive grant program that would award flexible funding to jurisdictions that take steps to eliminate barriers to producing affordable housing, including eliminating exclusionary zoning.
  • Upgrading homes through block grant programs, the Weatherization Assistance Program, and by extending and expanding home and commercial efficiency tax credits.

    • Back to list
     

    The Broadband Proposal
     
    The Plan proposes to spend $100 billion for broadband infrastructure and closing the digital divide. The broadband portion of the Plan is based on the Accessible, Affordable Internet for All (AAIA) Act, reintroduced in March in the Congress by House Majority Whip Clyburn (D-SC) and Senator Klobuchar (D-MN) (see here for summary). The priorities are well-aligned with the primary issues highlighted in the Broadband Equity Partnership’s nationwide survey of state and local broadband leaders on local priorities for a national broadband stimulus; namely, large-scale funding for fiber deployment, digital equity and adoption; changes in the federal funding distribution that enables local governments to have greater control on how that funding is used; and policy changes that eliminate prohibitions on local governments, utility companies and cooperatives from delivering broadband service. The AAIA proposes:
     

  • Establishing a new Office of Internet Connectivity and Growth (OICG) under the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) to track federal spending on broadband, coordinate among federal agencies to conduct a study on affordability and household connectivity, and streamline the application process for federal assistance programs.
  • Spending $80 billion for the competitively bid expansion of broadband access; 75% is proposed to be distributed through nationwide competitive bidding, and 25% to be distributed among states to conduct statewide competitive bidding. A minimum of $500 million would be earmarked for the recently established Tribal Broadband Connectivity Program at the NTIA.
  • Lifting barriers to local governments, public-private partnerships, and cooperatives from delivering broadband service, by prohibiting state governments from enforcing laws or regulations against such service delivery.
  • Spending $6 billion for the Emergency Broadband Benefit, recently established with $3.2 billion in funding from the December 2020 COVID Relief Bill, which provides a $50 monthly discount on the internet plans for low-income Americans anywhere in the country or $75 for consumers on tribal lands.
  • Spending $2 billion for the Emergency Connectivity Fund, which received $7.17 billion in the March 2021 American Rescue Plan, to expand the E-Rate program for emergency connectivity and devices for schools and libraries.
  • Providing $5 billion over five years for low-interest financing of broadband deployment, through a new program that would allow eligible entities to apply for secured loans, lines of credit, or loan guarantees to finance broadband infrastructure build out projects.
  • Distributing $625 million for Local Digital Equity Competitive Grant Programs to local governments, Tribal governments, non-profits, anchor institutions, educational institutions, and workforce development programs for digital inclusion activities, i.e. those that enable reliable broadband service, internet-enabled devices, digital literacy training, technical support, and promotion of online privacy and cybersecurity.
  • Spending $685 million for a State Digital Equity Capacity Grant Program, including $60 million to help states develop a “Digital Equity Plan,” and $625 million to implement those plans. No less than 5% of the funds must be used to award grants to Indian tribes, Alaska Native entities, and Native Hawaiian organizations.

    • Back to list
     

    The Proposal to Transition to Clean Energy
     
    The current version of the Plan includes $100 billion for power infrastructure and economic development investments in distressed and disadvantaged coal, oil & gas and power plant communities. The Plan proposes the first batch of funding to advance the goals announced in the President’s January 27th Executive Order on Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and Abroad, including commitments on a just transition to a clean energy economy, environmental justice, and federal procurement, including:
     

  • $27 billion for a Clean Energy and Sustainability Accelerator to mobilize private investment into distributed energy resources; retrofits of residential, commercial and municipal buildings; and clean transportation with a focus on disadvantaged communities that have not yet benefited from clean energy investments.
  • $10 billion for the development of the next generation of conservation and resilience workforce, through a new Civilian Climate Corps.
  • $5 billion for the remediation and redevelopment of Brownfield and Superfund sites and related economic and workforce development – to be achieved by investing in the Economic Development Agency’s Public Works program (while lifting the cap of $3 million on projects), in “Main Street” revitalization efforts through the HUD and USDA, and in the Appalachian Regional Commission’s POWER grant program for idled factories, as well as by providing dedicated funding to support community-driven environmental justice efforts.
  • Creating new jobs modernizing power generation and delivering clean electricity through a 10-year extension and phase-down of an expanded direct-pay investment tax credit and production tax credit for clean energy generation and storage; and supporting state, local, and tribal governments that choose to accelerate this modernization through complementary policies, such as clean energy block grants.
  • Building next generation industries in distressed communities by providing tax credits for capital-project retrofits and installations and carbon capture deployment and permanent storage; investing in 10 pioneer facilities to demonstrate carbon capture retrofits for steel, cement, and chemical production facilities, while protecting the communities from pollution; and supporting large-scale sequestration efforts.

    • Back to list
     

    The Innovation Proposal
     
    The Plan includes $480 billion to spur innovation through investment in R&D, a more equitable innovation economy, and domestic manufacturing, including:
     

  • $45 billion for Historically Black College and Universities (HBCUs) and other Minority Serving Institutions (MSIs) to upgrade research infrastructure in laboratories, invest in R&D, and create up to 200 centers of excellence that serve as research incubators at HBCUs and other MSIs.
  • $20 billion for regional innovation hubs and a Community Revitalization Fund that aims to support community-led redevelopment projects that help close the current gaps in access to the innovation economy for communities of color and rural communities.
  • $31 billion for programs that give small businesses access to credit, venture capital, and R&D dollars, as well as funding for community-based small business incubators and innovation hubs to support the growth of entrepreneurship in communities of color and underserved communities.
  • $30 billion in additional funding for R&D that spurs innovation and job creation.

    • Back to list
     

    The Resilience Proposal
     
    The Plan proposes $161 billion to create more resilient communities and rebuild water infrastructure, including through:
     

  • $50 billion for the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities program, the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s (HUD) Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program, new initiatives at the Department of Transportation, tax credits, and transition and relocation assistance to community-led transitions for the most vulnerable tribal communities.
  • $111 billion for clean water investments, including $45 billion to replace 100% of the nation’s lead pipes and service lines through the Environmental Protection Agency’s Drinking Water State Revolving Fund and Water Infrastructure Improvements for the Nation Act (WIIN) grants; $56 billion to modernize drinking water, wastewater, and stormwater systems, through grants and low-cost flexible loans to states, Tribes, territories, and disadvantaged communities, and $10 billion to monitor and remediate pollution in drinking water, and to invest in rural small water systems.

    • Back to list
     

    The Talent Development Proposal
     
    The Plan contains $237 billion for talent development. This includes:
     

  • $100 billion for workforce development programs targeted at underserved groups, including $40 billion for a new Dislocated Workers Program and training focused on high-demand sectors such as clean energy, manufacturing, and care-giving; $12 billion for investing in evidence-based community violence prevention programs, job training for formerly incarcerated individuals, a new subsidized jobs program, elimination of sub-minimum wage provisions in Fair Labor Standards Act, and expanding access to employment for workers with disabilities.
  • $137 billion for education infrastructure, including $100 billion to upgrade and build new public schools, through $50 billion in direct grants and an additional $50 billion leveraged through bonds; $12 billion for community colleges to be used by states in order to address existing physical and technological infrastructure needs and access to community college in education deserts; and $25 billion to upgrade child care facilities and increase the supply of child care, to be used by states through a Child Care Growth and Innovation Fund.

    • Back to list
     

    The Transportation Proposal
     
    The Plan includes $571 billion for transportation infrastructure, to repair roads, bridges, rail, and transit systems in poor condition. This includes:
     

  • $115 billion to modernize the bridges, highways, roads, and main streets that are in most critical need of repair.
  • $85 billion to modernize existing public transit, doubling the current levels of federal funding, and helping agencies expand their systems to meet rider demand.
  • $80 billion to address Amtrak’s repair backlog, modernize the Northeast Corridor, improve other existing corridors, and connect new city pairs (see here for Amtrak’s proposed service map with 30+ new routes by 2035, which would be funded by this plan).
  • $174 billion to invest in electric vehicles (EVs), a part of which is proposed to be used to establish grant and incentive programs for state and local governments and the private sector to build a national network of 500,000 EV chargers by 2030.
  • $25 billion for airports and $17 billion for inland waterways, coastal ports, land ports of entry and ferries.
  • $20 billion for a new program to reconnect neighborhoods cut off by historic investments and ensure new projects increase opportunity, advance racial equity and environmental justice, and promote affordable access.
  • $25 billion for a dedicated fund to support ambitious projects that have tangible benefits to the regional or national economy but are too large or complex for existing funding programs; and
  • Technical assistance and procurement support to state, local, and tribal governments.

    • Back to list


    * * *

    HR&A will continue to track the progress of the American Jobs Plan and other federal funding for a just and resilient recovery. To learn more about our efforts, drop us a line at stimulus@hraadvisors.com.

    The Emerging Green Economy: Who will Benefit?

    March 26, 2021 / No Comments

    Written by Judith Taylor and Garrett Rapsilber

    Experts have been arguing for some time that we are in the midst of the fourth industrial revolution, with technology driving change at an unprecedented rate. Among the important changes coming is a shift from a fossil-fueled economy to a green one. As with previous transformations, the beneficiaries of that change are uncertain. The decisions we make in the next few years will determine how quickly we build this economy and who enjoys the benefits of this new system.

    Many organizations, including city and state governments, have already planned for the emergent green economy, adopting workforce development and sustainability plans with ambitious green job creation and equity targets. Successful implementation of these plans will require the creation and execution of effective workforce development programs.

    Yet the lack of national reporting on green jobs since 2012 has left an information gap on even basic characteristics of the green economy. With the Biden administration’s commitments to a carbon-free future, notably an expected $1.0 trillion earmarked for historic investments in infrastructure, clean energy, and zero emissions transportation as part of the Build Back Better Recovery Plan; the administration’s Justice40 Initiative, which states a goal of delivering 40% of the overall benefits of relevant federal investments to disadvantaged communities and tracks performance toward that goal through the establishment of an Environmental Justice Scorecard; and an impending economic recovery, we are at a unique moment to direct both a green and equitable economic future – if we make informed policy decisions.

    We recently completed work for the Los Angeles Clean Tech Incubator (LACI) that estimates the size and composition of the green economy in LA and considers the implications for workforce development in that region. We found that the green economy is already larger than most people think and that policy interventions are required to support the inclusive growth of this economy.

    “This document provides the evidence that we need to pursue different policies and it should be the blueprint for policymakers and decisionmakers both in the private and public sectors for future investments.” 
    – Gregg Irish, Executive Director of the City of Los Angeles Workforce Development Board 

    Our work began with coding almost 1,000 6-digit NAICS codes for the percentage of jobs that are green by industry. This work built upon the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Green Goods and Services Survey, which was discontinued after 2011 due to federal budget cuts but remains the most comprehensive survey of green jobs across all industry sectors. Given the age of this data, we accounted for greening of the economy over the past decade, including emergence of industries and occupations such as micromobility and electric vehicle technicians. With these adjustments we were able to estimate the number of green jobs today and to project the size of the future green economy by leveraging job growth forecasts.

    This ground-up approach allowed us to not only create green jobs estimates, but also characterize the green economy with labor information, such as education and training requirements, and demographic information, including race and gender. We found that white people disproportionately hold green jobs. People of color make up 75% of the County’s working-age population but constitute only 65% of the labor force and hold 65% of green jobs, pointing to systemic racial disenfranchisement within the Los Angeles job market. Digging deeper, this disparity in the green economy is not uniform. People of color hold 59% of clean energy jobs but 71% of zero emissions transportation jobs.

    Likewise, men disproportionately hold green jobs. While women are approximately half the working age population and hold half of all jobs in LA County, only 37% of green jobs are held by women, due in part to longstanding gender inequity in technology, manufacturing, and the trades. Many in the industry recognize and are working to better align training models to support women and people of color.

    To complement the quantitative data from our study, we worked with an advisory group of 23 regional workforce development leaders and interviewed other regional leaders from education, government, labor, non-profits, and green industries. We learned, among other things, that many workforce development programs do not have the capacity to teach both technical skills, such as electric battery maintenance or energy efficiency modeling, an d soft skills, such as professionalism and networking. Underserved populations see higher job placement success when receiving this additional soft skill support. Turning again to the low percentage of people of color holding clean energy jobs, we learned that while educational requirements are one cause for the disparity, other factors include lack of soft skills training, diverse networking groups, and sufficient outreach to communities of color.

    Coupling economic data and insights from local leaders, we were able to offer policy recommendations that recognized the Los Angeles region’s unique economic strengths and workforce development ecosystem. For instance, as the most populous county in the nation, Los Angeles County has seven local workforce development boards, including the Los Angeles County Workforce Development Board and the City of Los Angeles Workforce Development Board, which share responsibilities for regional workforce policy and oversight. It will take similarly tailored work in communities across the country to ensure that we are prepared to realize national goals for a greener and more inclusive economic future.

    For more details on our work for LACI, HR&A’s green jobs report can be accessed in full here.

    What the Ongoing Efforts to Transform Rikers Island Can Teach Us About Achieving Bold Change

    March 12, 2021 / No Comments

    Written by Jeff Hebert, Bret Collazzi, and Cathy Li

    Communities across America are seeking transformative change: to reform policing and reinvest in communities of color; to rethink tax structures and economic development systems; to make critical but costly investments in transit, energy, and broadband. All of these efforts face obstacles that can delay progress and deflate supporters: the need to overcome inertia and opposition, navigate budget and regulatory complexities, and demonstrate that a break from the status quo is feasible. In that context, the ongoing efforts to transform New York City’s Rikers Island – home to one of the nation’s most notorious urban jail systems – offer important lessons for how visions that once seemed aspirational can make progress toward reality.

    The latest efforts to transform Rikers were launched in 2016 with several aims:
     

    1. To close the jails on Rikers, which as of 2016 housed 10,000 individuals, nearly 80% of whom were held before trial and 90% of whom were Black or Latino.
    2. To create a more humane criminal justice system with many fewer people in jail.
    3. To reimagine the island to honor survivors and promote justice and economic opportunity.


    Since 2016, the City has committed to close Rikers by the end of 2027; cut the jail population nearly in half owing to cash bail reform, the decriminalization of low-level offenses, and other reforms; and approved a plan to rebuild smaller, safer, more accessible detention facilities near the borough criminal courts. Last month, the efforts to close Rikers reached an important milestone when the City Council formally embraced “Renewable Rikers,” a vision promoted by justice and environmental advocates to transform the island with green uses and to support economic and environmental justice. Council action begins to transfer the island out of the control of the Department of Correction and establishes a committee to guide reuse of the island that includes formerly incarcerated New Yorkers and justice and environmental advocates, with clear timelines for the City’s commitment to close the jails.

    The efforts to close Rikers are still incomplete, and significant obstacles remain. The pandemic has sickened people housed on Rikers, and mass incarceration and mass homelessness continue, leading advocates to launch a new campaign for just reentry. With City budget deficits and elections for Mayor, City Council, and District Attorney looming, the momentum to close Rikers faces pivotal tests. But five years ago, it seemed inconceivable that the City would close Rikers; today there is a path forward and significant political momentum behind that goal.

    That shift is a testament to vision and leadership from many groups and individuals. Leaders include organizers of the #CLOSErikers campaign, the Center for Court Innovation, and lifelong criminal justice reformer Herb Sturz. Here, based on interviews with participants and HR&A’s work supporting efforts to plan the future use of the island, we offer lessons for those contemplating similarly ambitious efforts:

    Seize the urgency of the moment. Efforts to close the Rikers jails date back at least to the 1970s, led by incarcerated New Yorkers, their families, and justice advocates. These were unable to gain traction until the early 2010s when public attention was caught by damning investigations by the U.S. Attorney’s Office and the Legal Aid Society of violence on Rikers, the national rise of the Black Lives Matter movement, and the tragic suicide of 22-year-old Kalief Browder after three years on Rikers without a trial. Recognizing the moment, justice organizers launched the #CLOSErikers campaign, led by Rikers survivors and their families. Around the same time, then-City Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito appointed an independent commission headed by former New York Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman to study closure and the reforms needed to achieve the goal.

    Master the inside/outside game. The north star for advocates’ efforts was securing public support and a commitment from the Mayor and other officials. The #CLOSErikers campaign kept up outside pressure, holding rallies, spotlighting continued instances of abuse, and building an ever-broader constituency, while the Commission, led by respected former public officials like Lippman and Sturz, worked with stakeholders across government and the justice system and crunched the numbers to understand the realm of the possible. The Commission’s work laid out a detailed plan for closure, and the advocacy campaign helped change the public narrative and ensured that the City was firm in closing Rikers in its entirety by a date certain. These efforts laid the foundation for the Mayor’s Office of Criminal Justice and other agencies to make progress toward reducing the number of people in jail. Five years later, the Renewable Rikers campaign has employed a similar dynamic: a broad coalition led by justice and environmental organizers built political and community support to ensure that plans for the island’s future serve the needs of the individuals and communities most harmed by Rikers, while in the City Council, Council Member Costa Constantinides wrote legislation and navigated negotiations over use of the island.

    Build a broad, multidisciplinary base of support. The Commission’s membership included former law enforcement and corrections officials, justice advocates, formerly incarcerated New Yorkers, business leaders, and philanthropists. This mix of voices aired concerns early and ensured the Commission’s recommendations held weight with all corners of the city and carried an aura of inevitability. An early decision by the Commission to study future uses for Rikers Island attracted interest from environmentalists and urban planners. Similarly, the broad coalition behind Renewable Rikers today demonstrates the synergy between justice and climate goals and represents a politically powerful coalition.

    Focus on implementation from the outset. While all campaigns focus on what they want to see, the Rikers efforts gave equal weight to how to make it happen. What policy changes were needed to reduce the number of people in jail, and how could they be achieved? What should a smaller, off-Rikers jail system look like, and how should it operate? How long would the plan take and what would it cost? Dedicating time and resources to answer these questions chipped away at justifications for inaction, provided a roadmap for sustained advocacy, and equipped supporters with answers to skeptical audiences. Critical to this focus was assembling a team of credible, mission-aligned analysts. The Center for Court Innovation, the Vera Institute for Justice, and CUNY’s Institute for State and Local Governments led the Commission’s criminal justice analysis, while HR&A, FXCollaborative, Stantec, and others led the planning team that looked at the future use of Rikers. These planning processes adopted justice goals – for the island reuse plan, we began with: How can reuse support justice? – and then developed a process to advance those goals that could stand up to scrutiny and provide actionable guidance to City officials and advocates.

    Keep up pressure to secure results. Campaign leaders have driven stakes in the ground to sustain momentum over election and economic cycles. Advocacy groups led by directly impacted people, such as the Freedom Agenda, continue to hold direct actions to keep elected leaders at every level accountable. The Commission, rather than disbanding, continues to support justice reforms required to achieve closure. Justice and environmental advocates built a coalition around Renewable Rikers.

    While the efforts to close Rikers are only approaching halftime, the critical shift from aspiration to execution – sought a thousand times over in communities across the U.S. – offers hope for transformational change.

    What is in the American Rescue Plan for State and Local Governments?

    March 12, 2021 / No Comments

    Written by Erman Eruz

    Yesterday President Biden signed the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan (ARP). As the third COVID-relief bill since March 2020, the ARP will deliver aid to millions in need, including $1,400 direct stimulus checks, expansion of unemployment insurance through September 6 with $300 per week in federal benefits, and an expanded child tax credit program, projected to cut child poverty in half.

    In addition, the ARP will deliver over $500 billion in direct aid and other support to state and local governments, which were largely left out of the COVID-relief bill in December This includes:

     

    • $350 billion in direct aid to State, local, and Tribal governments, and territories, more than doubling the $150 billion provided by the Coronavirus Relief Fund (CRF) in the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act. The new funds can be used with even greater flexibility, including for replacing revenues lost since January 2020, which was not allowed for CRF funds. Other potential uses include: aid to households, small businesses, nonprofits, and industries; investments in water, sewer, and broadband infrastructure; unemployment support and workforce development; and support to health facilities with the costs of protective equipment, testing and vaccination rollout; among others.
    • $10 billion for a new Coronavirus Capital Projects Fund to carry out critical capital projects directly enabling work, education, and health monitoring, including remote options. Each state, Puerto Rico, and the District of Columbia will get $100 million, and the rest will be distributed based on total population, rural population, and proportion of low-income households. Broadband infrastructure investments are especially suited for the use of the funds. For example, Senator Chuck Schumer already announced that New York State’s share of the Fund will go towards the State’s Broadband Investment Program. The Secretary of the Treasury will establish a grant application process within two months. It is not yet clear who will administer the Fund.
    • $3 billion in Economic Development Administration (EDA) Grants, double the $1.5 billion included in the CARES Act, to provide flexible funding that can help local governments, downtown organizations, nonprofit institutions, and others plan for recovery and make investments in small business, infrastructure, and economic development projects. 25% of the funding will assist communities that have suffered economic injury as a result of job losses in the travel, tourism, or outdoor recreation sectors. Although the funds will remain available until September 2022, most funding will likely be earmarked much sooner; as with the EDA funds in the CARES Act, Regional EDA Departments will seek to channel the funds to existing projects in the backlog or set up accelerated competitive grant procedures.
    • $30.5 billion in Federal Transit Administration (FTA) Grants to help with operating costs, including payroll and personal protective equipment. The funds will be distributed using existing FTA programs, with $26.1 billion for the Urbanized Area Formula Grants and $1.7 billion for Capital Investment Grants. The funds will remain available until September 2024.
    • $21.55 billion for Emergency Rental Assistance to augment funds provided to states, localities, and territories through the Coronavirus Relief Fund, to help families pay rent and utility fees. The new funds will add on to the $25 billion made available in the December 2020 COVID-relief bill. Assuming well-designed programs, the new funds could assist an additional over 4 million households for up to 6 to 9 months.
    • $5 billion in emergency assistance to secure housing for the homeless, providing flexibility for both congregate and non-congregate housing options, helping jurisdictions purchase and convert hotels and motels into permanent housing, and helping communities provide supportive services.
    • $5 billion in Emergency Housing Vouchers to transition homeless and at-risk population to stable housing. Funds will remain available until September 2030.
    • $50 billion for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) Disaster Relief Fund for 100% reimbursement to State, local, Tribal, and territorial governments dealing with ongoing response and recovery activities from the pandemic, including vaccination efforts, deployment of the National Guard, providing personal protective equipment for critical public sector employees, and disinfecting activities in public facilities such as schools and courthouses.
    • $10 billion for the State Small Business Credit Initiative (SSBCI) Program, an Obama-era federal financing program that allows State governments to set up programs that can leverage private capital for low-interest loans, financing non-profits, and directly targeting collateral shortfalls, among other uses.
    • $7.17 billion for the Emergency Connectivity Fund to reimburse schools and libraries for internet access and connected devices, administered by Federal Communications Commission (FCC).

     

    To learn more about HR&A’s tracking of federal funding for a just and resilient recovery, drop us a line at stimulus@hraadvisors.com.

    A Food-Forward Recovery

    February 26, 2021 / No Comments

    Written by Candace Damon, Derek Fleming, Danny Fuchs, and Syed Agmal Ali

    Food systems and the food economy in the United States are in crisis. Before the pandemic struck, 35 million Americans were food insecure. That number has since swelled to 50 million. While grocery and restaurant delivery workers were deemed essential, promises of hazard pay faded away, and food processing plants have rivaled carceral facilities as the worst hotspots for coronavirus infection in the country. Multiple organizations estimate that about half of all restaurants have or will close permanently. Food workers are paid little, in some cases exempted from standard minimum wages, and frequently lack protection from poor workplace conditions. At the same time, most food businesses are small businesses that have provided a pathway to wealth for immigrant and low-income families. Texas’s deep freeze has demonstrated that urban food systems are as vulnerable to climate change as to pandemic. As appetites grow for local food, development pressures in fast-growing cities are squeezing out spaces for growing food, creating food products, and delivering them to consumers. Meanwhile, agriculture accounts for 10% of the nation’s carbon emissions, and food makes up a fifth of all household and commercial waste.

    Addressing this crisis is central to a just and resilient recovery. The City of New York’s newly released, first ever 10-year food plan recognizes this fact. HR&A is proud to have supported development of the plan, building on several years of work at the intersection of food systems, real estate, economic development, and social justice. We worked with the NYC Mayor’s Office of Food Policy to engage food justice advocacy organizations, businesses large and small, philanthropic foundations, healthcare institutions, and growers from across the region. The commitments outlined in the 10-year plan reflect a diversity of stakeholders.

    Food can bring people together – not just around dinner tables, but also to take collective action. In cities across the country, people have stepped up to share food in community fridges and distribute it through mutual aid networks. Restaurants are exploring new ways to generate demand and have been sharing notes. The diversity of stakeholders we engaged in New York City can and should be engaged in cities across the country. Here, we highlight opportunities for different types of HR&A clients to center food systems in their work to build a more just and resilient recovery.

    Real estate owners, operators, and developers can:
     

    • Cultivate vibrant food retail experiences. The food halls that proliferated in cities in recent years will need to be reinvented post-pandemic to inspire customers to return and office workers to return downtown. The Ferry Building Marketplace in San Francisco, where we have been working with new owners Hudson Pacific Properties, suggests one way of doing so. What was once an inward-facing, premium-product culinary experience is poised to become an indoor/outdoor destination with more culinary options, more diverse vendors, and more variety in footprints to make the building more accessible to more entrepreneurs, complementing one of the world’s most famous farmers’ markets – a win for Bay Area residents, businesses, and visitors, as well as for shareholders.

    • Invest in (or at least promote) local hiring. When HR&A Senior Advisor Derek Fleming and chef Marcus Samuelsson opened a new outpost of renowned Harlem restaurant Red Rooster in Miami, they invested in hiring from Overtown – the “Harlem of the South” – and supporting career advancement for their hires. To date, the project has hired more than 80 individuals, most of whom are from historically marginalized communities. All hires take a four-week training program focused on hospitality sector technical skills that are transferable at the highest levels of the industry, as well as urban farming and hydroponics practices.

    • Expand food access creatively. As they engage community stakeholders, HR&A developer clients consistently hear a desire for more grocery stores, which operate at very low margins; national credit grocery tenants are therefore often difficult to attract. For some developers, partnering with food cooperatives that generate community wealth may be a viable option. In South Los Angeles, HR&A worked with the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) and the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy (LAANE) to assess the feasibility of addressing the food access crisis in South Los Angeles through grocery retail that would employ union labor to sell food that is fresh, quality, affordable, and for which there is local demand. We established that one promising avenue was to invest in community leaders who are already addressing barriers to food access in their communities and are championing community ownership models. It’s a strategy that developers should consider, and one that public-private partnerships could incentivize or even mandate.


    State and local government should:
     

    • Incorporate the food economy into economic development strategies. Behind the viral promotion of Rhode Island as the “calamari comeback state” at last year’s Democratic National Convention was a campaign to grow the cephalopod into a $60 million industry. Food systems and economic development policy are already intertwined in some states, but every big city and state in the union would be wise to recognize that the food economy and food justice are central to equitable economic development.

    • Create spaces for food businesses and entrepreneurship. Governments need to rethink the use of their real estate assets as a platform for food access and entrepreneurship. In Jamaica, Queens, community leaders identified a need to help food entrepreneurs graduating from a nearby incubation program find affordable spaces to launch their businesses and to bring a sit-down restaurant to fill a market gap. With $1 million in State funding, the Greater Jamaica Development Corporation retrofitted stalls at a public food market downtown to create low-cost startup space for food businesses and attracted an established restaurateur to open a new location in downtown Jamaica by providing startup capital.

    • Support the smallest entrepreneurs. Street vendors have won recent victories in New York and Los Angeles, legalizing the work of low-income, immigrant entrepreneurs. This requires reimagining both enforcement and support, recognizing that these vendors not only create meaningful value for street life and local retail success, but also are an essential part of economic development in low-income communities. HR&A is working with the Street Vendor Project to invest in green technologies that reduce the environmental footprint of the city’s 4,000 food carts and trucks and provide a safer work environment for these immigrant-owned businesses.

    • Rethink municipal governance and management of food systems. Local government agencies regulate food, manage the food supply, and purchase more food than anyone else in many cities. To make progress against goals for public health, education, economic development, and resiliency, cities must embrace government-wide efforts such as the Good Food Purchasing Program and reorganize themselves to meet these needs.


    While we believe firmly that both the real estate sector and governments can do more to support stronger, more resilient, more just food systems, we also know that so much of the heavy lifting continues to fall on food advocates, nonprofits, and small businesses. There’s never been a more important time for leaders across the real estate and economic development industries to consider how they can support community-identified, -led, and -controlled models for food access and business – concepts central to the fight for food justice. We believe that the right partnerships can be a win for historically marginalized communities, for economic development, for real estate values, and for American society as a whole.

    Cities Have Been on the Front Lines of Biden’s “Cascading Crises.” Here’s What They Should Do Next.

    February 5, 2021 / No Comments

    Written by Candace Damon, Danny Fuchs, and Bret Collazzi


    “This is a time of testing. We face an attack on democracy and on truth. A raging virus. Growing inequity. The sting of systemic racism. A climate in crisis. … We will be judged, you and I, for how we resolve the cascading crises of our era. Will we rise to the occasion?”
    – Biden Inaugural Address (2021)

    “Racist, sexist, and classist policies … have left us with stubborn inequalities in wealth, income, health, and education. … We are facing not only the risks posed by climate change, but also rising nationalism and intolerance on a national and global level, which threaten the social fabric of our city.”
    – OneNYC 2050 (2019)

    “The challenges that Houstonians face are increasing in size, frequency, and complexity—compounded by exponential population growth, an uncertain and changing climate, economic reliance on the energy sector, and inequitable outcomes in health, wealth, and access to services depending on one’s neighborhood.”
    – Resilient Houston (2020)


    ***

    In his Inaugural Address President Biden described the “cascading crises of our era;” he could have been reciting from any number of citywide plans of the last decade. Urban leaders across the U.S. have understood for at least that long that long-term policymaking must focus on economic and racial equity and recognized that climate change and structural racism are the chief existential threats to urban life.

    To date, city leaders have used the tools at their disposal – land use controls, local regulations, capital spending – to move the needle on these issues. Minneapolis restricted single-family zoning to address a legacy of racist housing policy. Asheville, N.C. and St. Paul, MN are exploring reparations for Black residents. More than 470 U.S. mayors committed to uphold the Paris Agreement. Boston and New York passed major green building mandates to reduce emissions. Austin, Dallas, and San Francisco are finding new ways to pay for transit, other infrastructure, and equity initiatives locally.

    Still, cities have been running uphill against national and global trends, stymied by a lack of federal dollars and an opposing federal agenda on issues ranging from housing to the environment to digital access. Now, as Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer told Bloomberg CityLab, cities have a “partner in the White House who thinks like a mayor.” That gives urban leaders at least four years to advance their plans and – by building a case for what federal actions will have the greatest impacts – to influence what the Biden-Harris Administration prioritizes.

    Here are five steps cities can take to position their boldest plans for federal support:

    1. Demonstrate how your city’s agenda aligns with the Biden-Harris mandate. Review existing plans to connect the dots between your work over the last several years and the goals of the new Administration. Support might be expected for housing plans that challenge restrictive zoning and expand homeownership for historically marginalized groups, climate projects that create green jobs and promote environmental justice, and a crosscutting focus on racial equity and economic empowerment. Taking a fresh look at existing citywide plans, and the progress made toward those plans’ goals, will allow cities to elevate priorities that tie to the new federal agenda while demonstrating that the city has the will, capacity, and expertise to grapple with and execute on bold thinking.

    2. Prioritize projects, programs, and places that are poised for local and national impact. Federal support can be expected for local projects that are bold and visible, but just as important are those that are feasible, likely to accomplish their goals, and ready-to-go. To the extent possible, priority projects should address multiple crises – merging climate and equity goals for example, establish a clear path to implementation – with early approvals in place and an established administering entity, and demonstrate alignment between local and state leadership. With the “Build Back Better” recovery package still months from passage, there is a window for cities to lock in necessary support and to update priority projects and programs for broader and more equitable impact. For instance, as state departments of transportation consider reinvestment in the highway system, cities have the opportunity to push for entrance and exit configurations that reconsider the relationship of cities to their regions and, by pushing for depressed roadways or “lids,” to reknit historically Black and low- and moderate-income neighborhoods deliberately split from CBDs by the initial investment in the interstate system, create new developable land to support inclusive economic agendas, and site open space for civic gatherings. We have supported efforts in Portland, Seattle, Houston, and Hartford that could advance these agendas. Doubtless there are many similarly situated cites.

    3. Identify your top 3-5 calls to action for the Administration. In 2015, New York City set a goal to lift 800,000 households out of poverty within 15 years; by 2019, the City had nearly achieved that goal, largely thanks to a $15 minimum wage law passed by the State Legislature at the City’s urging. Numerous federal actions – full funding for Section 8 vouchers, immigration reform, a national $15 minimum wage – could significantly advance cities’ equity and climate goals, especially in states where legislatures preempt progressive urban policy. Similarly, changes to federal rules – such as expedited project approvals or expanded local jurisdiction over telecom assets – could enable progress toward city goals at relatively minimal cost to the federal government. At least six of Biden’s cabinet nominees have led a city or a state, bringing with them an appreciation for how federal action (or inaction) can impact local efforts. Picking the battles with the greatest payoff – and building alliances with like-minded cities, advocates, and congressional leaders – could influence which priorities pick up steam in Washington.

    4. Articulate a benefits case for each priority. . Cities should be prepared to demonstrate the economic, social, and environmental impacts of priority projects and programs, both to stand out among peer cities’ proposals and to generate buy-in locally as competing priorities emerge. How many jobs will each project create, of what quality, and for whom? How will the project contribute to the Administration’s stated goals? How could priority federal actions free up local dollars for other efforts? What is the federal government’s return on investment for each dollar contributed, and what local and private sector funding will be leveraged? Cities that develop a clear quantitative benefits case and hone a narrative aligned with the Administration’s agenda will have a leg up when applying for aid and a basis for consensus building at home. New York City’s Renewable Rikers plan – which would close the notorious Rikers Island jail complex, transform the island into a green economy hub, and redevelop polluting power plants into community-serving uses – has done this well: taken together, the plan demonstrates the ability to meet 10% of the city’s renewable energy goal and create 1,500 green-collar jobs, among other benefits, while private capital and public savings would fund more than 25% of project costs.

    5. Get creative about marketing to generate excitement. As important as it will be to lobby Congressional representatives and Cabinet officials, cities should also play the outside game – leveraging social media, hometown influencers, and mayoral bullhorns to create buzz that makes their priorities stand out. City leaders can take a page from Miami Mayor Francis Suarez, who in his effort to lure Silicon Valley companies to town has traded Tweets with Elon Musk and taken his pitch directly to tech influencers on the chat platform Clubhouse. Or Danbury Mayor Mark Boughton, who embraced a public spat with comedian John Oliver (and renamed a sewage plant in his honor) to get his city on the map nationally. Beyond drawing attention, such public efforts help cities hone their message about why priority investments are essential, generate excitement among residents and other stakeholders, and build a brand that links their city to the aspirations driving the Administration’s agenda: a rebounded economy, racial equity, and a green energy future.

    At a time when urban communities across the country need a jolt of energy and optimism, organizing around bold priorities can build momentum for local initiatives that will pay dividends regardless of cities’ ability to get everything they seek from the federal government. As cities frequently learn from major planning efforts – think the competitions for Choice Neighborhoods or Amazon’s HQ2 – just the act of planning can spark creativity, sharpen project visions, and build consensus around bold change that can then be effected with local funds that would have been otherwise unavailable.

    HR&A Advisors Names Andrea Batista Schlesinger as Managing Partner of Los Angeles Office

    January 26, 2021 / No Comments

    HR&A Advisors, Inc. (HR&A), a leading national consulting firm providing services in real estate, economic development, and public policy, announced that current firm Partner Andrea Batista Schlesinger has been named Managing Partner of HR&A’s Los Angeles office. Paul J. Silvern, who has served as Partner in Charge of HR&A’s Los Angeles office since 2007, will remain an active Partner at the firm and support Andrea in her new leadership position.
     
    The announcement follows the hiring of Lamont Cobb as Director, a fifth generation Californian and third generation Angeleno who brings nearly 10 years of experience in neighborhood planning and economic development efforts for Black and Brown communities, including two years of experience working for the office of Los Angeles City Council District 8.
     
    These staff announcements are part of HR&A’s strategic expansion across the West Coast, including Los Angeles and San Francisco, the Pacific Northwest, and the Southwest to drive equitable development in urban communities. For over 40 years, HR&A has been providing advisory services to the West Coast from its Los Angeles office. Led in recent years by Partners Paul Silvern, Amitabh Barthakur, and Judith Taylor, Senior Advisor Martha Welborne, Managing Principal Connie Chung, and Principal Thomas Jansen, the firm’s game changing projects include developing a citywide economic development strategy for Los Angeles, designing an inclusive participatory budgeting process in Portland, and supporting negotiations for community benefits, anti-displacement, and workforce development efforts around San José’s Diridon Station.
     
    “Since joining the HR&A team nearly four years ago, I’ve had the opportunity to disrupt traditional approaches to economic development, centering on equity as a primary goal and equipping community members with the tools to advance a new vision for their cities,” said Andrea Batista Schlesinger, Managing Partner of HR&A’s Los Angeles office. “As a firm, HR&A is a bridge between generating ideas to realize equity and justice and the implementation of those ideas that change people’s lives. I look forward to leading HR&A’s Los Angeles office, making a demonstrable difference on the matters of consequence in the city and region, while cultivating a team who will go on to be the visionary leaders of America’s cities into the future.”
     
    “We have a mission to improve economic opportunity and quality of life for people who live in cities,” said Eric Rothman, CEO of HR&A. “Since joining the firm in 2017, Andrea’s work has been transformative for our clients with its focus on racial equity and economic justice on projects including criminal justice reform, access to affordable housing, public banking, and more. Andrea’s leadership of our Los Angeles office will strengthen our capacity to promote a just and resilient recovery for cities across the West Coast.”
     
    Andrea Batista Schlesinger and her Inclusive Cities practice works to realize equity and justice. Her work focuses on three core areas:
     
    Equitable Economic Development, including work to develop an initiative addressing the food access crisis in South Los Angeles for the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy and work to advise the Economic Justice Circle, a group of grassroots activists in Pittsburgh, on how to advance an equitable economic development agenda starting with demands for a transparent City budget;
     
    Systemic Change, including work with Trinity Church Wall Street in New York City to address challenges presented by inadequate access to safe housing for those involved with the criminal legal system and who are being released from Rikers Island due to COVID-19; and
     
    Visionary Leadership, including work to support the historic transition plan for Harris County Judge Lina Hidalgo, first woman and first Latina to hold this position in the largest county in Texas.
     
    Prior to advising clients on policies, programs, and advocacy strategies at HR&A, Andrea served as Deputy Director of the United States Program of the Open Society Foundations (OSF). In this role, she managed program operations and grant-making portfolios including investments to advance equitable economic development in Southern cities. Previously, Andrea served as a Special Advisor to New York City Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, where she coordinated the Young Men’s Initiative, a $130 million comprehensive package of policy reform and programmatic initiatives designed to reduce the disparities challenging young African American and Latino males.

    A Just & Resilient Recovery: Coming Together, Getting to Work

    January 22, 2021 / No Comments

    When we launched this newsletter last April, we said, “times of crisis are times to come together.” We added, “we’re excited to see a growing desire to go beyond a ‘return to normal,’ to proactively shape a stronger, more equitable, more resilient urban life.” The need for bold, fundamental change has only become more acute over the last nine months, as has our desire to work with you to see it happen. Now, that work has new fervor and new champions in the White House.
     
    This week, we are reflecting on this moment with hope. Much work lies ahead. As always, we’re interested in what you are interested in: what are you hopeful for as the Biden-Harris takes shape? Join us in building A Just & Resilient Recovery.
     
     
    – The Editorial Team